BELFAST — Sinn Fein on Friday was projected to become the first nationalist party to dominate in Northern Ireland, while Prime Minister Boris Johnson's ...
And Labour failed to make substantial inroads in the “red wall” of northern England that would make it more competitive in the next general election. “We had a tough night in some parts of the country,” Johnson conceded to broadcasters. Keir Starmer, the Labour Party leader, hailed the early results as a “big turning point for us.” Later on Friday, British police said they would investigate Starmer over a potential breach of covid lockdown rules. And this was the first big test for Johnson’s Conservatives since the emergence of a cost-of-living crisis and a scandal known as “ Partygate.” “Governments suffer losses and can go on to make gains, but the government is facing a very bleak economic situation,” he said. The pattern of Conservatives doing better in postindustrial towns in the north of England and Labour doing better in major cities held. While the ruling Tories lost ground, there wasn’t a sole beneficiary. (Westminster is where Johnson cast his ballot on Thursday, with his dog, Dilyn, along for the outing.) But the party has benefited from demographic shifts, and it has expanded its appeal by focusing on bread-and-butter issues while downplaying its long-term aspirations for the unification of Ireland. The government faces three ongoing investigations into boozy gatherings that flouted pandemic lockdown rules, while the prime minister was urging citizens to stay home and not mix with people from multiple households. The more immediate question is whether the new power-sharing executive will actually come together. A Sinn Fein win wouldn’t have immediate implications for unification.
And three, the great political row that has dominated Northern Irish politics since Brexit—over the so-called protocol establishing new border controls—was ...
“The simple reality is if you want Northern Ireland to work, we need a new offer on the protocol and a new historic compromise,” says Paul Bew, a professor of Irish politics at Queen’s University in Belfast who was intimately involved in the negotiations that led to the Good Friday Agreement. The final compromise itself matters less than the fact that everybody—the EU, Britain, the Republic of Ireland, and the two (or three) sides in Northern Ireland—must be equally unhappy with it. Northern Ireland can feel like a land where raw power and violence still matter in a way that should not be the case in a modern state. If you’re confused, that is because the whole issue is so fiendishly complicated that nobody has managed to solve it in the six years since Britain voted to leave the EU. Under the terms of this agreement, a trade-and-customs border was erected between Northern Ireland and mainland Great Britain (that is, within the same country), in order to avoid one being imposed between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland (that is, between two different states that share the same island). Ever since, Northern Ireland’s unionist parties have fiercely resisted this protocol, arguing that it is unfair because it prioritizes the wishes of one community in Northern Ireland (nationalists) over the other (unionists). In Thursday’s elections two things happened, each pulling in the opposite direction. (The truth is, neither the U.K. nor the EU has ever fully implemented the protocol: The British government has unilaterally extended “grace periods” for businesses to avoid disruption, while the EU has agreed not to implement parts of the protocol that would restrict the flow of medical supplies from Britain to Northern Ireland.) Yet because it has not been implemented in full, the situation has never become so intolerable that anyone has actually changed it. As of today, Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party, the most successful unionist bloc in Thursday’s election, have six months to set up a new power-sharing executive (a Northern Irish government, essentially) before the British government imposes direct rule from London and sets a date for another round of elections to break the deadlock. In fact, in Northern Ireland there can be no Alexander—and that is the point. The fear, though, is that the situation cannot last much longer. “Would you tell me, please, which way I ought to go from here?” asks Alice of the Cheshire Cat in Alice in Wonderland. “That depends a good deal on where you want to get to,” replies the cat. Under the Good Friday Agreement, power must be shared between the two largest designations elected to the Northern Irish Assembly, which has thus far been made up of blocs identifying as unionist and nationalist. And three, the great political row that has dominated Northern Irish politics since Brexit—over the so-called protocol establishing new border controls—was tested with the public, and while those that oppose it have hardened in their opposition, a majority voted for parties that are fine with it. While more people are now voting for the third-way Alliance Party, which argues that other bread-and-butter issues matter more than unionism or nationalism, for now, Northern Ireland’s political and constitutional reality remains unchanged.
Irish republicans overtake divided unionists for first time since Northern Ireland's foundation a century ago.
“When Jeffrey Donaldson refused to say whether he would nominate a deputy first minister if a nationalist got the top post, that was a real affront to democracy,” he said. “We’ve heard since 1998 that this place is all about managing division,” she said, referring to the year of the Good Friday peace accord that envisioned a lasting partnership between the British Protestant and Irish Catholic blocs. “It fueled a mood within nationalism to make sure that a nationalist was ‘allowed’ to be first minister. “We want to reconcile our community and create a united community, not one that is divided constantly along orange and green lines.” Counting was expected to run past midnight and resume in some districts Saturday morning. It would be the first time since Ireland’s partition a century ago that the British north is led by a politician committed to ending its union with Britain. Surging support for Alliance appeared likely to knock out the assembly’s only two Green Party members, too. “We need to see the United Kingdom government take decisive action on the protocol. So I totally understand the mood that has led to this huge Sinn Féin vote.” Under the election’s complex proportional representation rules, voters rank candidates in order of preference. Both posts must be filled as a joint ticket agreed by Sinn Féin and the DUP; either side can block government formation. In each round, the least popular surviving candidates are eliminated and their votes are transferred to other politicians still in the running.
Grassroots Tories blame the PM for the loss of their seats; in Northern Ireland's elections, Sinn Féin top the first-preference vote.
Many grassroots Tories laid the blame at Johnson’s door for the loss of their seats. Lastly, there are frequent changes in ward boundaries and the number of councillors per ward, to maintain equality of representation. You might have noticed that the tallies of the number of seats gained and lost so far by each party differs between outlets. That would put a question mark over O’Neill becoming first minister, but not alter the profound psychological impact of a Sinn Féin victory. With transfer votes still being counted on Friday night, it was clear the Democratic Unionist party (DUP) had dramatically lost its pre-eminence by slumping to 21.3% in the first preference vote. A quick note to explain the data we’re publishing. The Liberal Democrats have won 863 seats, so have gained 189 seats in total. We have to listen to the voters. “It won’t be enough to win a 1997-style landslide... “Here, then, is how Labour might raise the current ceiling on its performance,” he says. “I think he is unique as a politician in being able to cut through. What they’re telling us in places like Wandsworth and of course in Westminster.
Alliance confident of strong performance, with DUP likely to be relegated to second place in Stormont Assembly.
Michelle O'Neill is on course to be first minister but the Brexit fallout means a functioning government may not be formed.
Naomi Long’s Alliance Party looks set to be the other main winner from the election, with a surge of support for the cross-community party likely to make it the third largest at Stormont, ahead of the UUP and SDLP, who have both had disappointing results. Any vote is years away in reality and Sinn Fein have downplayed it in this election but the party is ideologically committed to holding a border poll in the future. Sinn Fein also won the battle for largest vote share with 250,388 first preferences, compared with 184,002 for the DUP and 116,681 for the Alliance Party. With the party on the rise on both sides of the border, the result raises the prospect of a referendum on reunifying both sides of the island of Ireland. A united Ireland will move a huge step closer today, with Sinn Fein on course to be the largest party in Northern Ireland. It means Northern Ireland will have a first minister who wants the province to leave the United Kingdom, a huge symbolic victory for the nationalist community.
Sinn Fein is on course for a historic victory in the Northern Ireland Assembly election, after receiving the most first-preference votes. With counting for the ...
Kellie Armstrong was elected for the Strangford constituency on the first stage of the count with 7,015 votes. I feel very positive.’ She received 10,845 first preference votes and the result was greeted by large cheers in the count centre. Ms O’Neill was surrounded by party colleagues and supporters as the result was announced in the Magherafelt count centre. The party’s vice president Michelle O’Neill was elected on the first count in Mid Ulster, with Alliance leader Naomi Long topping the poll in East Belfast. DUP leader Sir Jeffrey Donaldson was elected on the first count in Lagan Valley.
Sinn Fein's vice president Michelle O'Neill was elected on the first count in Mid Ulster, with Alliance leader Naomi Long topping the poll in East Belfast. TUV ...
“I recognise that we have our differences, particularly in relation to the protocol, but I think we all accept that this is a problem that needs to be addressed and the sooner it is addressed the better for all of us.” Sinn Fein also won the battle for largest vote share with 250,388 first preferences, compared with 184,002 for the DUP and 116,681 for the Alliance Party. Counting has resumed in the Northern Ireland Assembly election with Sinn Fein firmly on course to emerge as the largest Stormont party.
During the campaign Sinn Fein shrewdly toned down the border poll/Irish unity rhetoric and even during Mary Lou McDonald's triumphant procession into the ...
Another lesson from this election is that with the exception of Sinn Fein-dominated West Belfast there appear to be no permanent citadels in Northern Ireland. As Alliance’s campaign manager in South Belfast Ian Parsley points out, his party has breached the walls of an SDLP stronghold. We are in for months of political stasis, eventual multi-party negotiations and possibly even a new election in the autumn or winter. The trouble for the big picture pundits across the Irish Sea is the politics of this place are more complicated than that.
Sinn Féin, the party long associated with the paramilitary IRA, was clearly ahead of the Democratic Unionist Party, after voters rewarded its laser focus on ...
Sinn Féin is celebrating a historic victory in the Stormont assembly elections despite warnings from the Democratic Unionist party that it will block the ...
We are stuck with the same things we had 30 or 40 years ago.” “With Sinn Féin and the unionists, it’s the same old thing all the time. “I don’t really like the unionists or the nationalists. We are missing out on the bigger issues such as the environment. The DUP also faces another urgent dilemma. “[The] tumult was not utterly catastrophic for the DUP, but the crown is lost,” said Jon Tonge, a professor of politics at Liverpool University.
Sinn Fein look set to be the biggest party in Northern Ireland after the Stormont elections.
So I think that’s significant and we take a lot of heart from it.” Start your Independent Premium subscription today. “People in any election will vote for a whole variety of reasons.
Flag of the Republic of Ireland. Sinn Fein are a republican political party in Ireland (Picture: Getty) · Sinn Fein leader Michelle O'Neill · Campaign Poster ...
The Official Sinn Fein dropped all mention of the name around 1982, rebranding as the Workers’ Party of Ireland and Provisional Sinn Fein became the Sinn Fein we know today. Sinn Féin re-emerged as a party in 1970, and another split in the party led to the party as we know it now. The first outing of the Sinn Féin organisation began in 1905, founded by Arthur Griffith. The members of the original party founded the First Dáil and the revolutionary Irish Republic during the Irish War of Independence.
Sinn Féin is an Irish republican political party, but what does its name mean and what are the origins of the party? Here's what you need to know.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Sinn Féin shifted from its military focus to becoming more politically active. In 1986, the party decided to end its policy of abstentionism in the Irish Dáil in Dublin. In the December 1918 general election, Sinn Féin won 73 of the 103 Irish seats. In the Republic of Ireland, Sinn Féin won 24.5% share of the vote in the 2020 Dáil Éireann election. In the 2019 General Election, Sinn Féin received 22.8% of the Northern Irish vote, winning seven of Northern Ireland’s 18 seats. Sinn Féin is the only political party that is active in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland.
Counting has resumed in the Northern Ireland Assembly election with Sinn Fein firmly on course to emerge as the largest Stormont party in a historic victory ...
“But as for the rest, we’ll have to wait and see what the results are in Northern Ireland.” “And whatever arrangements we have, they have got to have cross-community support, that’s what the Good Friday Agreement is all about, that’s what the Government is going to do. “Sinn Fein presented a very positive campaign about what we have done in the Executive and the Assembly and what we want to do.” Speaking during a visit to a school in his constituency of Uxbridge and South Ruislip, he was asked by reporters about the possibility of a majority of people in Northern Ireland voting for parties that support the current trading arrangements with the EU, and if he will work with those parties to make the Northern Ireland Protocol work. Mr Johnson said: “The most important thing is that we continue to support the balance of the Good Friday Agreement across all communities in Northern Ireland. Asked about the elections in Northern Ireland, Prime Minister Boris Johnson said: “The most important thing is that we continue to support the balance of the Good Friday Agreement across all communities in Northern Ireland”. “It is going to be tough for us, because so many people have wanted to send a message to the DUP that nationalists shouldn’t be locked out of the top position,” he said. “It’s been a good day so far for Alliance and obviously it’s been a good day for me personally in East Belfast, and also for Peter McReynolds, and we expect that we will hold the two seats there. “I think it is going to be very tight at the end as to who will emerge as the largest party,” he said. Speaking to reporters shortly before her election was announced, Ms O’Neill said she was “very grateful” to be with the people of Mid-Ulster. Sinn Fein looks set to emerge with the most seats after it received 250,388 first preferences, compared with 184,002 for the DUP and 116,681 for the Alliance Party. Counting has resumed in the Northern Ireland Assembly election with Sinn Fein firmly on course to emerge as the largest Stormont party in a historic victory.